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Paul M. Connolly, First Vice President and Chief Operating
Officer, Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
USA – Ireland Mutual Fund Conference
Dublin, Ireland
June 14, 2000
It
is an honor to be asked to speak to you this morning.
First, the Dublin Funds Industry Association and NICSA
have put together an exciting agenda for this conference,
and I appreciate being invited to participate. Also,
this setting in Dublin Castle is very special. Dublin
Castle has been prominent in the history of Ireland,
including a prominent role during the birth of the free
nation. In this inspiring setting, capturing so much
that is past, someone had the vision to see a modern
conference center: a center to host international meetings,
a place in which to engage the world. This combination
of a rich history and a stepping forward to embrace
the future may capture much of today’s Ireland. It is
a combination in which the nation and all who live here
can take pride, and in which many of us connected to
Ireland by family take pride as well.
This
morning I wish to share with you some personal perspectives
on two important forces which certainly affect financial
services in the United States, and also have a bearing
on the broader U.S. economy.
The
first is the new environment for U.S. financial services,
resulting from the enactment, in November of last year,
of new legislation, known as the Gramm-Leach-Bliley
Act.
The
second is the activity of the individual investor, and
its implications.
In addressing
first the new legal environment, I want to provide some
of the essential information about the new powers that
have been granted to Financial Holding Companies; the
new FHC itself; the so-called umbrella supervision assigned
to the Federal Reserve and how it relates to the roles
of the other financial regulators; and the personal
privacy issues that have come to the fore as this new
environment has come into being.
The
new Financial Holding Company, which I will be explaining,
is authorized to engage in an array of financial activities,
and in other related activities.
The
new law specifies several allowed financial activities,
including:
- Securities underwriting;
- Securities dealing;
- Insurance underwriting;
- Insurance sales, as in
an insurance agency;
- Merchant banking, meaning
investment in private or public equity securities
for a period of time, followed by resale;
- All of the financial services
already allowed for Bank Holding Companies; for
example;
- Lending,
- Investment advisory services,
- Financial data processing;
- And activities previously
specified by the Federal Reserve Board as connected
with international banking, such as travel agency,
and certain management consulting services.
The
law also authorizes the Federal Reserve and the U.S.
Treasury, together, to define new activities as "financial"
in nature.
And,
the law authorizes the Federal Reserve to determine
that Financial Holding Companies can engage in certain
nonfinancial activities, if such an activity
is deemed complementary to a financial activity, and
does not pose a substantial risk to the safety and soundness
of depository institutions or the financial system generally.
So,
we can look forward over time to some evolutionary expansion
of the financial and complementary activities allowed
for these new Financial Holding Companies.
Well,
what then is this new Financial Holding Company, or
FHC?
In its
essence, it is an augmentation of the well-established
Bank Holding Company. In fact, an organization must
become a Bank Holding Company in order to become a Financial
Holding Company. Then, as I mentioned, the FHC is authorized
to do all that a Bank Holding Company can do, and to
undertake the new activities not previously permitted
for banking organizations.
In the
U.S. there are about 5 thousand bank holding companies,
many of them consisting of just one or a few fairly
small banks. For all existing bank holding companies,
large or small, the Federal Reserve has provided a streamlined
process to become a FHC.
Essentially,
a bank holding company files with the Board a written
declaration that it elects to become a FHC, and an attestation
that each depository institution within the bank holding
company is well-capitalized and well-managed; both of
these characteristics have been defined in terms of
risk-based capital standards and bank supervisory ratings.
This is basically a self-certification process. The
Federal Reserve itself will verify that each insured
depository institution within the holding company has
a satisfactory rating under the provisions of the Community
Reinvestment Act, or CRA. If so, the bank holding company
can become a FHC. The election to be a FHC becomes effective
automatically on the 31st day after the Federal
Reserve receives that election, unless the Federal Reserve
specifies otherwise during the first 30 days.
There
has been some concern this year about how this self-certification
will work for banks owned by non-U.S. bank holding companies.
The new law directed the Federal Reserve Board to establish
"comparable" qualification requirements for foreign
banks. This is no simple assignment, since it must cover
banks in countries that have adopted the Basel Committee
capital standards developed under the auspices of the
BIS, and banks in countries that have not done so.
As an
interim measure, the Board provided that foreign banks
electing to become FHCs meet the same risk-based capital
standard as domestic banks, with a lower leverage
standard: their Tier 1 capital must equal 3 percent
of total assets, rather than the 5 percent required
of U.S. bank holding companies. Some have argued on
behalf of European banks that even this 3 percent leverage
standard is too high, given their risk profiles, and
that it imposes a requirement higher than those of the
regulators in the home countries of these banks.
The
Board has provided that a foreign bank that does not
meet the 3 percent standard can present other evidence
of an adequate capital base.And two foreign banks have
taken advantage of this option to become financial holding
companies.
Of the
first 15 applications received from foreign banks, the
Federal Reserve approved 13, and the other two were
withdrawn for reasons not related to capital standards.
We have more to learn in this area, and we will keep
working to ensure that the process is equitable for
non-U.S. banks.
Well,
what about firms which are not already bank holding
companies? If they wish to become FHCs, they must apply,
through a more involved process, to become bank holding
companies. And if they choose, they can apply at once
to become both. The first example of using this new
path was the application by the Charles Schwab Corporation
to become a banking company by acquiring
one, the U.S. Trust Corporation of New York and its
subsidiary banks. As part of its proposal, Schwab also
filed its election to become a Financial Holding Company.
The Board approved Schwab’s application on May 1. This
initiative illustrates the "two-way street" intended
under the new law: banking organizations can expand
into new financial activities, and other financial services
firms can expand into banking.
Another
important entity to understand along with the Financial
Holding Company is the Financial Subsidiary. A financial
subsidiary is a direct subsidiary of a bank. Under the
new law, some activities can be undertaken by a financial
subsidiary, while others can be undertaken only by subsidiaries
of the financial holding company.
To some
this may seem to be a distinction without much of a
difference. However, the distinction goes to how best
to protect a bank and its insured deposits from business
activities, and funds flows between affiliated businesses,
that could affect the safety and soundness of the bank.
There are different views about how best to provide
such protection. For instance, while the new law was
being debated, some argued that a bank should be permitted
to engage in merchant banking through a direct subsidiary,
and others argued that this activity should be housed
in a subsidiary of the FHC. The law now prohibits merchant
banking in a bank subsidiary, but allows the Federal
Reserve and the Treasury to revisit this question together
after 5 years of experience.
In this
new regime the Federal Reserve will function as a so-called
"Umbrella Supervisor". That is, we will exercise consolidated
oversight of the financial holding company. We will
evaluate the consolidated strength and activities of
the company to ensure that its financial condition does
not threaten the viability of the depository institutions
within the FHC. This overarching supervisory view matches
well with the enterprise-wide, consolidated approach
to risk management taken by most large and sophisticated
financial services firms.
However,
this umbrella supervision does not mean that we intend
to impose bank-like supervision upon financial holding
companies or their non-bank subsidiaries. In fact, the
law limits the Federal Reserve’s authority to examine
or impose requirements on subsidiaries that already
are regulated by others. Under the umbrella, then, we
will have "functional regulation" by entities including
the U.S. Treasury, the Securities and Exchange Commission,
the state insurance regulators, the Commodities Futures
Trading Commission, the Federal Trade Commission, and
others.
The
new law clearly intends that functional regulators,
other bank supervisors such as the Treasury’s Office
of the Comptroller of the Currency, and the Federal
Reserve as umbrella supervisor will respect each other’s
responsibilities and make use of each other’s expertise.
I am
sure that all of us will do so. Still, doing so will
pose new challenges for all of us. Regulators, within
the U.S. and abroad, take different approaches and even
use different terminologies. We regulators have a lot
to learn about each other, even as we are learning about
the new FHCs. For instance, if we in the Federal Reserve
are to rely as much as possible upon examinations conducted
by the SEC, we need to learn as much as we can about
how the SEC examination process works. We have worked
together effectively in the past, most recently on Y2K
preparedness, but the new requirements take us much
further.
In a
similar way, we need to do even more than before to
be well coordinated with financial services supervisors
worldwide.
Through
key organizations such as the Basel Committee on bank
supervision, working relationships among bank supervisors
have been strengthened, and the supervisory principles
and standards for sound banking practices developed
under these auspices have improved banking supervision
around the globe. Now, such international cooperation
must extend to the full range of regulated activities
conducted by large international financial organizations.
One
new way to deal with these new needs will be through
the Joint Forum, with representatives of agencies regulating
banking, securities, and insurance from numerous nations.
More such collaborative approaches no doubt will be
needed. Taking coordination and cooperation to a new,
more demanding level will be challenging, and, I trust,
exciting, for all of us.
If there
was a genuine "surprise issue" as this new law made
its way through the Congress during 1999, it was privacy
for individuals. I call this a surprise not because
the privacy of people’s financial and other information
was not being considered during the many years of effort
to pass a comprehensive financial modernization bill;
it was. However, it became one of the hottest and most
debated issues, more or less all of a sudden, as 1999
progressed. Its emergence was due in part to some well-publicized
marketing practices at a few banks, and in part to a
growing awareness of privacy issues associated with
the use of the Internet by consumers. As the privacy
issue gained attention, it quickly gained rather broad
and bipartisan support in the Congress. As a result,
the new law includes privacy requirements with broad
applicability.
The
law imposes 3 basic requirements.
First,
financial institutions must provide an initial
notice to consumers about their privacy policies,
describing the conditions under which they may disclose
nonpublic personal information to nonaffiliated third
parties.
Second,
they must provide annual notices of their privacy
policies to consumers with whom they establish a customer
relationship.
And
third, they must provide a method for consumers to opt
out of disclosures to nonaffiliated third parties.
nbsp; These
privacy provisions apply to all U.S. financial
institutions engaged in financial activities. It includes
banks, insurance companies, securities firms, finance
companies, and even travel agencies.
All
of these requirements were to become effective in November
of this year, just one year after enactment of the law.
In May the banking and securities regulators announced
that compliance with these requirements would be voluntary
until July 1 of 2001, in effect providing an additional
8 months for financial services firms to prepare to
meet these requirements.
At the
same time, with the ink barely dry on these new privacy
requirements, a number of parties have proposed or advocated
new legislation to make the privacy requirements more
stringent. One proposal is to extend the restrictions
to the sharing of information between affiliated entities
within a financial organization. Another proposal is
to change the "opt out" provision to an "opt in" provision,
meaning that a consumer would have to give his or her
affirmative consent before any personal information
could be shared.
And
finally, the law already allows any of the 50 states
to set tighter privacy standards. If some states do
so, then financial firms operating nationally will have
to keep track of, and comply with, some array of different
requirements.
I think
you can see in these privacy provisions and their popularity
further evidence of the misgivings about concentrations
of financial power that have persisted in the U.S. from
the early days of our nation, as well as growing concerns
about privacy in an age of massive electronic data bases
and widespread telecommunications, which many nations
and their people share.
Well,
that is a look at the new legal and regulatory environment
for financial services in the U.S. Now, I would like
to look more briefly with you at investor activity,
which is another factor affecting the financial services
environment as well as the performance of the domestic
economy.
Here,
then, are a few perspectives on recent investor behavior;
the savings rate; and the wealth effect.
To simplify
somewhat, I might summarize recent investor behavior,
with particular respect to individuals investing in
mutual funds, as follows.
The
investor has high expectations. Surveys indicate that
most of them expect their equity investments to appreciate
by 15 percent or more annually, even after the enormous
gains of recent years; and as you know, many expect
returns much greater than that.
The
investor pays daily or near-daily attention to his investments,
and takes actions in response to changes in the markets.
While some thought that workers with investments in
retirement accounts might be content to leave their
funds alone for years at a time, looking upon these
funds as money they will not spend for decades, this
has not been the norm.
The
investor has demonstrated mobility with her money. When
markets have dropped, as in September and October of
1999, households have switched funds from equities into
money-market accounts and other alternatives. Then,
when markets have risen, as in late 1999 and early 2000,
their money has flowed back into equity funds. More
recently, we saw some switching from equity funds into
money market accounts and bank certificates of deposit
this spring as market declines occurred.
And
investors cumulatively are concentrating more of their
money in the most highly rated mutual funds. The investor
has been rather impatient and unforgiving, which I suppose
might be said about today’s markets generally.
There
has been some confusion about the national savings rate
in the U.S., and what constitutes savings. Let me offer
a few points on this topic.
First,
national savings differs from personal savings. National
savings includes saving by consumers, business, and
government. During most of the 1990’s national savings,
in proportion to the gross domestic product, or GDP,
increased, from about 4 percent in 1993 to about 7 percent
in 1999. The major source of the increase was in government
savings, reflecting the progression from sizable federal
budget deficits to budget surpluses.
Meanwhile,
though, personal savings by consumers declined substantially,
so that recently it has been close to zero. Personal
savings consist of what we save from our incomes. Money
that we earn and then put into a bank account, or a
mutual fund, or another investment vehicle counts as
savings. However, the appreciation on our invested
money does not count as savings. Therefore, consumers
may look at their mutual fund statements and say that
they are saving more than they ever did before, and
so feel more comfortable spending all of their income
from their jobs. Or, as one person invests a lot of
her income, another incurs that amount of debt. In the
national accounts, all of this will appear as a savings
rate close to zero.
Another
factor when we consider the savings rate is that it
looks at the difference between current income
and current spending. Recently this difference
has been small, indicating little savings. However,
some of what consumers spend today reflects their anticipation
of higher incomes in the future. They spend ahead of
their incomes, while the national accounts look at both
spending and income in the present tense.
What
is important about savings for the overall economy is
the availability of funds for investment. Investment
in lieu of immediate consumption enables economic growth,
allowing for increased future production and consumption.
While total national savings has increased, as I mentioned,
the decline in personal savings leaves us without sufficient
national savings to meet the increased demand for domestic
investment. This shortfall, about 2 percent of GDP in
1999, has been covered by foreign investment. That foreign
investment is needed and welcome, but more personal
savings would provide a greater sense of comfort that
the nation can count upon its own resources to fund
needed investments.
The
low savings rate is one manifestation of what people
call the wealth effect. People – and businesses also
– have done well with respect to income, and they are
continuing to do well, and they expect to do well as
they move along. These prospects encourage more consumption
by individuals, as well as more capital spending by
businesses.
The
"drivers" of the wealth effect, then, extend beyond
the higher valuations in the stock market. They also
include rising incomes, higher values for other assets,
particularly people’s homes, and confidence about the
future.
Interestingly,
even with the wild ride in the stock market during March
and April, consumer confidence stayed close to its high
levels in those months, and moved higher still in May.
Strong
consumption, spurred by the wealth effect, has carried
the economy forward, with support from business investment,
and with both apparently reflecting an optimistic view
of the future.
That
noted American economic analyst, Yogi Berra, once said,
"I never make predictions, especially about the future".
A prudent rule to follow, I would say. However, if we
assume that incomes and profits and asset values may
not continue to grow as robustly as some seem to expect,
then we have to have concern for the impact of the deceleration
in spending that probably would ensue.
Obviously,
when we have some cooling in our hot economy, we all
hope for a soft rather than a hard landing. We hope
that people, as consumers and investors, will adapt
to new, less robust expectations, help the economy to
"simmer down", spend at a more moderate rate, but not
change suddenly from hot to cold, from optimistic to
pessimistic. Some additional savings will be welcome
as well.
I hope
these perspectives on financial services and investor
activity in the U.S. have been helpful. Thank you.
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