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Cathy E. Minehan, President and Chief Executive Officer,
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
Greater Springfield Chamber of Commerce Annual Luncheon
January 21, 1999
Good
afternoon. It's a pleasure to be here with you today.
Chambers of Commerce have an important role to play
in facilitating the interaction of business and government.
They often help to marshal the business community to
close the gaps in public services that government cannot
address, such as summer jobs. Equally important, Chambers
often bring a private sector perspective to issues of
public importance. This is a quintessentially American
form of private collaboration toward public ends and,
in my view, is key to a well-functioning town or city.
Chambers also provide forums for discussion of issues
of importance to the political body, whether they be
transportation, education, tax levels, or development
issues. Thus, I feel honored that you have asked me
to speak, and I look forward to hearing what's on your
mind after I finish my remarks.
In considering
the recent evolution and current state of the national
and regional economies, some have used literary metaphors.
According to this view, over the past several years
we've moved from an economic environment that could
be characterized by the fairy tale of "Goldilocks,"
to one resembling Dickens' "A Tale of Two Cities." More
recently, however, things have been so volatile financially
but strong on Main Street that it's hard to find the
right metaphor. Perhaps that tribute to free markets,
"Atlas Shrugged" would do. Let me provide some insight
into why those particular literary titles seem appropriate.
First,
the Goldilocks economy. From 1993 to the early part
of 1998 the economy grew at an average annual rate just
a bit above 3 percent. During the same period, well
over 16 million jobs were created, bringing the unemployment
rate to its lowest level in 25 years. Yet even with
this strain on labor capacity, the rate of inflationary
growth dropped, from around 3.5 percent in 1993, to
its current rate of below 2 percent overall, and about
2.5 percent excluding the volatile food and energy sectors.
By the end of this period, workers' wages were rising
faster than inflation, after barely keeping pace for
many years, reflecting productivity increases that were
most obvious from the data in nonfinancial businesses,
but probably existed more broadly.
This
era of prosperity fueled, and was fueled by, a stock
market that nearly tripled in value regardless of the
index. At the same time, long-term interest rates reached
25 year lows, making credit relatively inexpensive.
Banks added to their capital, strengthened their balance
sheets, and fought with each other to meet the borrowing
needs of customers. Business' ample cash flows, coupled
with the reduction in the cost of equity, fueled spending
on capital equipment that dramatically expanded their
capacity to produce goods and services. Relatively lower
interest rates helped propel the economy by fostering
a low nominal debt burden for firms and consumers alike.
For
the first year since 1960, the federal government registered
a budget surplus--a seeming impossibility only five
years before the start of this period. The only cloud
on the horizon was a widening trade deficit, which while
worrisome for the long run, was largely a reflection
of the strength of our economy relative to that of many
of our trading partners.
That
was our "Goldilocks" economy--not too cold, not too
hot, just about right. The only question was whether
we could keep it that way.
That
brings us to the "Tale of Two Cities," or more accurately,
continents--the United States and the developing world.
Starting in 1997 with the currency crisis in Thailand,
it began to be very clear that much of Southeast Asia
was unraveling, economically if not politically and
socially as well. Currency, and equity values plummeted,
banking systems carrying a heavy load of foreign-denominated
liabilities collapsed, and interest rates rose to levels
that brought economic activity to a screeching halt.
These areas, comprising 17% of world trade, and 19%
of U.S. trade, ground to an economic standstill.
Here
in the U.S., the surface of economic activity barely
rippled. It was easy to see the problems in Asia, while
tragic for the countries involved, as a necessary brake
on U.S. economic activity. After five years of above
trend growth, almost every forecaster saw inflation
on the horizon, and many were worried about the speculative
activity that could so easily be the outcome of the
country's expansive financial markets.
But
even as Asia slowed, the U.S. remained strong. Despite
sharp drops in exports to Asia, the U.S. GDP grew at
a rate of about 3.7 percent in the first half of 1998.
Employment continued to grow, adding 240,000 jobs per
month in the first half of the year, and just under
200,000 per month in the third quarter. Unemployment
remained low, and inflation by almost any measure either
stabilized or declined. Readings on the real economy
were complicated by the GM strike, which shifted employment
and production from July to August, but indicators of
consumer spending, housing, and business investment
remained strong, and the overall economy vibrant.
Thus,
globally, it was "the best of times (here), and the
worst of times (there)". But it soon became evident
that while the U.S. seemed impervious, it might not
be. As Chairman Greenspan warned, it might not be possible
for the world's largest economy to remain "an oasis
of prosperity in a wider sea of global turmoil."
The
wisdom of these remarks became evident in the aftermath
of the simultaneous default and devaluation in Russia.
Beginning in early August, domestic financial markets
here in the U.S. were roiled by an almost overnight
reappraisal of risk by participants, and fears of a
major negative effect on the real economy grew. Deflation,
recession began to dominate some discussions of the
economy. Now, however, we are seeing the continued strength
of the consumer, the "Atlas" of this growth period,
"shrugging" off potentially bad news and continuing
to bolster the economy's strength, at least for now.
The speed with which this has happened, however, has
been unsettling to say the least.
What
happened to credit markets in the early fall and what
are we to make of it? Well, to start with, in September,
in the wake of the Russian default, a reappraisal of
the risk in foreign positions and U.S. equities propelled
a flight to safety and liquidity. The safest and most
liquid of securities available are U.S. Treasuries.
This surge in demand for U.S. government issues caused
a substantial decline in their yields, which had several
disruptive effects.
First,
a number of bank and nonbank financial institutions
that had positions that depended on the stability of
Treasury yields were caught short as prices rose rapidly
and yields fell. They soon found themselves unable to
unwind those positions in a market that had a heightened
appetite for liquidity.
At the
same time, the fall in Treasury yields made corporate
debt issuance less attractive, both to firms wishing
to raise funds and to underwriters. The potential issuers
took rising spreads of debt over Treasuries as a signal
to look elsewhere for financing, and they did so (largely
at banks). Underwriters were uncomfortable with taking
on the increased risk of placing corporate securities
even as rising Treasury prices increased their cost
of financing such deals.
As a
result, for a month or so in October, corporate debt
issuance slowed markedly, and many feared that we were
finally seeing the influence of the rest of the world
on the previously impervious U.S. The flight to liquidity
had initiated a drought of credit supply, and the real
economy might soon suffer as a result. Now it is true
that some of the retreat from risk was a healthy reaction
to spreads that were at historically low levels early
in the summer. But there was also a potential for significant
damage to the real economy, and recognizing that, the
Fed cut interest rates three times from late September
to mid-November.
Recently,
Treasuries have risen back to their pre-panic levels,
spreads have narrowed, and corporate debt issuance has
resumed though not at the same rates for higher risk
borrowers. While we are probably not entirely out of
the woods, the debt markets seem to have calmed, and
with some luck, are well-positioned for the new year.
Even more surprising is the fact that the stock market
is back to hitting new highs. The consumer and U.S.
businesses apparently never stopped spending during
the turmoil, so that GDP for third quarter came in just
below 4%, and fourth quarter seems likely to be close
to that. Questions remain on the international side,
in Brazil especially, but on the home front, the picture
at year end was better than most anyone thought it could
be in the dark days of the fall.
In sum,
we have moved from the almost too good to be true "Goldilocks"
state, through a period of seeming invincibility in
the face of external turmoil, to a time of very solid
domestic growth but uncertainty about the future. Certainly
this is a period that demands central bank vigilance
and caution. In that regard, I'd like to discuss three
of what I might term as "fallacies" that effect popular
conceptions about the domestic economy. I believe these
are topics about which the Federal Reserve should be
particularly vigilant.
First
fallacy--inflation is dead. As tempting as this is to
believe, I don't think it is likely. Moreover, to act
as if it might be is dangerous as events have proven
in the past. In my view, the traditional logic that
tight labor markets produce higher labor costs, which
further induce rising prices still makes sense. After
all, labor input remains about 60 percent of final goods
prices. But labor markets have been tight for some time
now, and the rate of overall price growth has declined,
not risen.
I would
argue there are a number of reasons why this has happened.
First, some credit has to go to the credibility achieved
by the Federal Reserve in its battle against inflation
since the early '80s. Expectations of inflation are
low, as far as we can measure them, and this feeds back
in many ways to price-setting in the economy. Second,
for at least the early part of the period since the
last recession, growth was slower than normal. Arguably
this slow growth and corporate restructuring helped
hold down labor costs when unemployment rates began
to fall. In addition, benefit cost growth, especially
medical benefits, slowed dramatically in response to
increased competition and restructuring. This also kept
overall compensation growth from accelerating even as
labor markets tightened. Third, now that compensation
cost growth has picked up more or less in line with
traditional models of unemployment levels and wages,
a couple of at least partly temporary factors continue
to keep broad price growth low.
Earlier
I noted the positive impact of business spending to
improve productivity and competitiveness as one mainstay
of our current economic picture. Such productivity growth
has allowed firms to increase compensation without incurring
higher unit labor costs. But questions abound. Is such
productivity growth in part cyclical as well, reflecting
the economy's current strength? If so, it could be temporary.
Or is this productivity growth secular, reflecting investments
in information technology and more efficient labor market
practices? If it is, then productivity growth may be
lasting. I don't know the answers to these questions,
but recent data suggest productivity increases are starting
to be overtaken by continued compensation gains.
Commodity
prices are also holding the rate of inflation down.
The crisis in Asia and its spillover have reduced demand
for commodities, and new technologies have made them
ever more plentiful. Thus, prices of oil and other raw
materials and agricultural products have tumbled--for
example, crude oil prices at year end were 40 percent
below those of a year ago. However, commodity prices
cannot fall at this pace forever. What happens when
they stabilize, and world markets recover?
If labor
markets remain as tight as they are now, an increase
in inflationary pressure seems inevitable at some point.
I do not believe inflation is dead at current levels
of labor market tightness. It is quiescent-- quiescent
because of the combination of cyclical timing and what
may be partly temporary factors. It is true that most
U.S. businesses, especially those that produce tradeable
goods, firmly believe they have no pricing power. But
this could change as international markets firm. Clearly,
central bank vigilance is important here.
This
takes me to the second fallacy. "Asset markets always
go up," and its corollary "I don't have to save because
the stock market will provide for my retirement." I
don't have to tell a group of New Englanders about the
dangers of inflated asset prices; the '90s recession
lingers in our memory as proof of the dangers of asset
inflation. Arguably, rising asset prices and the related
feedback to consumer confidence convince consumers to
maintain higher spending rates than they would otherwise.
Thus, in the face of a booming stock market, the personal
savings rate fell from 6% or so in the early '90s recession
years to a very low level today--hardly a good development
in my view. When asset prices level off or come down,
a reverse "wealth" effect could become evident as negative
savings rates turn positive and consumption spending
slows. Not a bad thing for sure, but the speed and size
of such a correction presents uncertainties. For businesses,
a soaring stock market makes the cost of equity capital
low; if this changes, investment spending could change
as well.
After
several years of rising corporate profits, 1998 saw
a leveling off or an actual decline in profits, depending
on the index used. Some indicators of valuations in
equity markets, price earnings ratios, for example,
seem high by historical standards. Plausible arguments
have been made as to why such indicators are justified,
though overall market volatility has increased. Asset
markets can't always go up, and this indeed could have
consequences for the real economy.
Finally,
there is the fallacy that the business cycle is dead.
Don't bet on it. This recovery started slowly, but has
gained sizeable momentum. But there comes a time when
consumers neither desire nor can afford another house
or car, and businesses have invested as much as they
reasonably can employ. Things slow down and, if all
has been handled well, growth can continue at a slower
and more sustainable pace. This is not the traditional
pattern, however. In recent decades the growth phase
of most business cycles has come to an end typically
because growth got out of hand, inflation surged, and
policy had to be tightened. To be sure, we've had a
stronger economy with less inflation than most observers,
myself included, expected. Still the capacity of the
economy is not unlimited. Thus, in my view, some of
the answer to whether or not this expansion continues,
albeit at a slower pace, relies on how the threat of
overshooting is handled. Again, a case for central bank
vigilance.
Looking
forward to 1999, I have some confidence that fiscal
discipline and central bank vigilance will pay off.
The domestic economy remains vital, and there will be
considerable momentum from fourth quarter growth. However,
there are reasons to believe growth will settle in to
a more sustainable pace. The drag from foreign economic
problems remains, though it is not expected to be as
large for the year as a whole as it was in 1998. Financial
markets remain volatile and are a continuing area of
concern. Just a leveling out of stock prices would give
consumers good reasons to resume more traditional patterns
of saving and rein in consumption spending. Finally,
businesses seem likely to restrain their spending in
the face of weaker profit growth and a slower economy.
As the economy moves into a more sustainable and, in
my view, desirable pace, the Federal Reserve's three
rate reductions provide a bit of insurance against downside
risk.
Thus,
I expect overall GDP to run somewhere around 2-1/2 percent
in 1999, and for unemployment to stay at a relatively
low level. Not as upbeat as 1998 to be sure, but far
from problematic. Given labor market tightness, inflation
risks remain. I expect there will be a modest tick-up
here, if only because it is hard to imagine oil prices
continuing to decline at a 40 percent pace the way they
have this year. Now, I should point out that if it is
realized, this forecast is almost the definition of
the proverbial soft landing. Or, in other words, it
doesn't get much better than this, particularly after
the uncertainties of the last half of 1998.
But
there are risks. The international situation could present
significant issues. Brazil most obviously comes to mind
here, but Japan remains at a standstill, and forecasts
for the countries of Euroland have recently weakened
somewhat. On the other hand, the strength of the domestic
situation holds the potential for surprise as well.
Consider the fact that while a domestic slowdown is
expected, there is little yet in the incoming data to
suggest it has started in earnest. Moreover, asset markets
seem heady at best. Continued strength here could keep
the pressure on labor markets and further test the economy's
resistance to inflation, while a bout of weakness in
asset markets obviously has a potential for downside
uncertainty.
These
risks present challenges to monetary policy, challenges
that remain even in the face of the economy's current
strength, and a remarkably benign forecast. But setting
monetary policy is always challenging. I often ask myself
how best to deal with these challenges as I approach
the task of serving as a member of the FOMC. Clearly,
careful study of all the incoming data is needed, but
equally important is interaction with people like yourselves,
immersed in the businesses that are at the heart of
state and regional growth. Thus, I thank you for this
opportunity to share some thoughts with you today, and
I look forward to your comments and questions.
Thank
you.
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