| Quarter
4, 1999
by Hoyt Bleakley, Ann Ferris, and Jeffrey
Fuhrer
On the first Friday of every month, the U.S. Department
of Labor announces the unemployment rate for the previous
month. Probably the most reported piece of economic data,
this number, 4.1 percent for October 1999, is widely considered
to be the single best indicator of labor market strength.
But behind this single statistic are several million individuals.
Their reasons for unemployment and the length of time they
spend unemployed vary greatly. There are young people looking
for their first job and older workers who may have been downsized
or quit voluntarily. Some will be recalled after a temporary
layoff, others will end up in a new job, and still others
will eventually leave the labor force.
What can details of this sort add to our ability to assess
how tight the labor market has been and how fast the economy
can grow? A spell of unemployment that ends with a discouraged
worker leaving the labor force may, for example, have different
significance than one that ends with a job. An increase in
the unemployment rate caused by people voluntarily quitting
may signify something different for labor market tightness
than one caused by involuntary terminations. We have begun
to look at these differences, in hopes of getting a better
gauge of labor market conditions. We may also be able to shed
light on some puzzling patterns in the recent unemployment
data.
WHY HAS THE LENGTH OF TIME THAT PEOPLE ARE UNEMPLOYED
REMAINED SO HIGH?
The median length of a spell of unemployment in 1990 was
five weeks. This figure jumped with the onset of the 1990
recession and rose to nine weeks by the end of 1992, one year
into the current expansion. By early 1998, in the midst of
what otherwise seemed to be a booming economy, the median
length of unemployment was still seven weeks.
This is somewhat surprising: With the unemployment rate
at 4.1 percent, we would expect the amount of time spent looking
for work to have dropped back to its pre-recession level.
Instead, the median length of a spell of unemployment (compared
to the unemployment rate) has been at historically high levels
for most of the 1990s.
One obvious cause of the increased duration would be a lack
of jobs, but clearly this has not been the case. Looking at
unemployment by groups based on their eventual labor market
outcome, however, yields some clues. Unemployed workers who
eventually stop searching for work and leave the labor force
spend a longer time unemployed about two weeks more
— than unemployed workers who eventually find a job.
And since 1991 this gap has widened, as unemployment duration
increased for workers who ultimately left the labor force.
At the same time, their share of all unemployed workers grew.
Both trends help explain why, even in this strong labor market,
people are spending a longer time in spells of unemployment.
Still, we are not sure why these changes have occurred.
It could be that a greater share of the unemployed workers
in the 1990s have outmoded skills, are older, or are hoping
for jobs that offer dramatically higher wages, and they are
therefore less likely to be successful in their job search.
Or it may be that some workers feel more optimistic and are
willing to spend more time searching for work, because of
the strength of the economy. It will take additional research
to sort out the possible explanations. And once we know more,
we may also be in a better position to assess labor market
tightness than with the overall unemployment rate alone.
WHY IS THE UNEMPLOYEMNT RATE SO HIGH?
This may seem like an odd question, considering the recent
historically low rates of unemployment in the United States.
But given our recent high rates of growth in GDP rates
that by most accounts are in excess of our long-run potential
growth rate most economists would have predicted even
lower unemployment rates than we currently enjoy. Some have
suggested that productivity (which is hard to measure accurately)
is growing faster than we think. If productivity rose, it
would mean that the recent hefty rates of GDP growth could
have occurred without exhausting the supply of available workers,
and this could explain why the unemployment rate is still
relatively high.
An alternative explanation focuses on differences in how
people become unemployed in the first place. Grouped by reason
for unemployment, individual unemployment spells vary in duration.
Workers who are terminated by their firms (as opposed to those
who quit or are temporarily laid off) have the longest spells
of unemployment more than 16 weeks following the 1982
and 1990 recessions. In contrast, those who have been temporarily
laid off spend only three to six weeks unemployed, regardless
of whether they ultimately get a job or leave the labor force.
Our research shows that after a recession begins, the median
duration of unemployment first increases and then eventually
declines, for most groups. But workers whove been terminated
continue to experience increases in the length of time they
spend unemployed the last indicator of labor market
weakness until just before GDP growth surges and drives
down the unemployment rate in the subsequent expansion. After
the 1990 recession, their median duration reached a peak of
17 weeks as late into the recovery as 1993, had only dropped
to 11 weeks in 1997, and was still around eight weeks in 1998.
Thus, the unusually long spells of unemployment in the 1990s,
particularly for workers who were terminated by their firms
and eventually stopped searching for work, may account for
the higher-than-expected unemployment rate. This detailed
information about why and how long people spend unemployed
can improve our ability to gauge labor market conditions.


Hoyt Bleakley is a PhD
candidate at MIT and Visiting Fellow at the Boston Fed. Ann
Ferris is Research Associate and Jeffrey Fuhrer is Vice President
and Economist at the Boston Fed. Their article, New
Data on Worker Flows During Business Cycles, appeared
in the July/August 1999 issue of The
New England Economic Review.
|